羅斯福演講稿3篇

本文目錄羅斯福演講稿羅斯福就職演講稿中文羅斯福就職演講稿英文

president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:

this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curta

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iiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.

more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and

were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten

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of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.

yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be val

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ued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.

restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.

our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value

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of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.

and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful

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of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.

and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful

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gation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.

if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a cen

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tral form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.

in this ded

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ication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.

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羅斯福就職演講稿中文羅斯福演講稿（2） | 返回目錄

胡佛總統，首席法官先生，朋友們：

今天，對我們國家來説，是一個神聖的日子。我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統時，會像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話。現在正是坦白、勇敢地説出實話，説出全部實話的最好時刻。我們不必畏首畏尾，不老老實實面對我國今天的情況。這個偉大的國家會一如既往地堅持下去，它會復興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據的恐懼，它把人轉退為進所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰雲密佈的時刻，坦率而有活力的領導都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時刻，大家會再次給予同樣的支持。

我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質方面的。價值難以想象地貶縮了；課税增加了；我們的支付能力下降了；各級政府面臨着嚴重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿易過程中遭到了凍結；工業企業枯萎的落葉到處可見；農場主的產品找不到銷路；千家萬户多年的積蓄付之東流。

更重要的是，大批失業公民正面臨嚴峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動換取微薄的報酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認當前這些陰暗的現實。

但是，我們的苦惱決不是因為缺乏物資。我們沒有遭到什麼蝗蟲的災害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉危為安，比起他們經歷過的險阻，我們仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種　情景的時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因為主宰人類物資交換的統治者們失敗了，他們固執己見而又無能為力，因而已經認定失敗了，並撒手不管了。貪得無厭的貨幣兑換商的種種行徑。將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄。

是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時的方法。面對信貸的失敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢。沒有了當誘餌引誘　人民追隨他們的錯誤領導的金錢，他們只得求助於講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心。他們只知自我追求者們的處世規則。他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的。

如今，貨幣兑換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃。我們要以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現比金錢利益更高尚的社會價值的程度。

幸福並不在於單純地佔有金錢；幸福還在於取得成就後的喜悦，在於創造努力時的激情。務必不能再忘記勞動帶來的喜悦和激勵，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時日能使我們認識到，我們真正的天命不是要別人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務，那麼，我們付出的代價就完全是值得的。

認識到把物質財富當作成功的標準是錯誤的，我們就會拋棄以地位尊嚴和個人收益為唯一標準，來衡量公職和高級政治地位的錯誤信念；我們必須制止銀行界和企業界的一種行為，它常常使神聖的委託混同於無情和自私的不正當行為。難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠實、信譽、忠心維護和無私履行職責。而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。

但是，復興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念。這個國家要求行動起來，現在就行動起來。

我們最大、最基本的任務是讓人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個問題就可以解決。這可以部分由政府直接徵募完成，就象對待臨戰的緊要關頭一樣，但同時，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激並重組巨大自然資源的工程。

我們齊心協力，但必須坦白地承認工業中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國範圍內重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發表揮更大作用。

明確地為提高農產品價值並以此購買城市產品所做的努力，會有助於任務的完成。避免許多小家庭業、農場業被取消贖取抵押品的權利的悲劇也有助於任務的完成。聯邦、州、各地政府立即行動迴應要求降價的呼聲，有助於任務的完成。將現在常常是分散不經濟、不平等的救濟活動統一起來有助於任務的完成。對所有公共交通運輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設施作全國性的計劃及監督有助於任務的完成。許多事情都有助於任務完成，但這些決不包括空談。我們必須行動，立即行動。

最後，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防禦，來抗禦舊秩序惡魔捲土從來；一定要有嚴格監督銀行業、信貸及投資的機制：一定要杜絕投機；一定要有充足而健康的貨幣供應。

以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針。我要在特別會議上敦促新國會給予詳細實施方案，並且，我要向18個州請求立即的援助。

通過行動，我們將予以我們自己一個有秩序的國家大廈，使收入大於支出。我們的國際貿易，雖然很重要，但現在在時間和必要性上，次於對本國健康經濟的建立。我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務先行。雖然我將不遺餘力通過國際經濟重新協調所來恢復國際貿易，但我認為國內的緊急情況無法等待這重新協調的完成。

指導這一特別的全國性復甦的基本思想並非狹隘的國家主義。我首先考慮的是堅持美國這一整體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對美國式的開拓精神的古老而永恆的證明的體現。這才是復甦之路，是即時之路，是保證復甦功效持久之路。

在國際政策方面，我將使美國採取睦鄰友好的政策。做一個決心自重，因此而尊重鄰國的國家。做一個履行義務，尊重與他國協約的國家。

如果我對人民的心情的瞭解正確的話，我想我們已認識到了我們從未認識到的問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻。我們前進時，必須象一支訓練有素的忠誠的軍隊，願意為共同的原則而獻身，因為，沒有這些原則，就無法取得進步，領導就不可能得力。我們都已做好準備，並願意為此原則獻出生命和財產，因為這將使志在建設更美好社會的領導成為可能。我倡議，為了更偉大的目標，我們所有的人，以一致的職責緊緊團結起來。這是神聖的義務，非戰亂，不停止。

有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔領導偉大人民大軍的任務，致力於對我們普遍問題的強攻。這樣的行動，這樣的目標，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府中是可行的。我們的憲法如此簡單，實在。它隨時可以應付特殊情況，只需對重點和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因為如此，我們的憲法體制已自證為是最有適應性的政治體制。它已應付過巨大的國土擴張、外戰、內亂及國際關係所帶來的壓力。

而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地擔負前所未有的任務。但現在前所未有的對緊急行動的需要要求國民暫時丟棄平常生活節奏，緊迫起來。

讓我們正視面前的嚴峻歲月，懷着舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷着尋求傳統的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，懷着老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的目標是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。

我們並不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民並沒有失敗。他們在困難中表達了自己的委託，即要求採取直接而有力的行動。他們要求有領導的紀律和方向。他們現在選擇了我作為實現他們的願望的工具。我接受這份厚贈。

在此舉國奉獻之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福。願上帝保信我們大家和每一個人，願上帝在未來的日子裏指引我。

羅斯福就職演講稿英文羅斯福演講稿（3） | 返回目錄

president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:

this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.

more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and

were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.

yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.

restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.

our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.

and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.

through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states of america - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of

others. the neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.

if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.

in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.